Thoughts on Coming Apart and the Coming Great Reset

Turning and turning in the widening gyre
The falcon cannot hear the falconer
Kit Webster
Themes and Theses
Why I'm Contemplating Out Loud
(Initially formulated in the early 90s, following decades of reading history, philosophy, religion, psychology and a lot of contemplation, particularly on the subject of cycles. In the end, this is a relatively straightforward story about human nature and of history rhyming.)
The US will enter a period of crisis in the early 2000s. In the late 90s, I incorporated Strauss' and Howe's terminology of the Fourth Turning (without incorporating their generations paradigm) and agreed with Howe that the end stage of the crisis began with the Great Financial Crisis and would last into the early 2030s. We are now at the beginning of the end stage of the crisis.
The crisis will be serious and could be existential.
Internal strife will increase, up to and including secession and civil war.
International conflicts will increase as the vacuum created by the weakening of the US is filled by other players.
There will be many threads to the crisis, but the primary thread will be debt, deficits and entitlements. Other factors include, eg, demographics, a loss of meaning and myth and a loss of self-discipline.
Politics will move leftward as citizens look for some refuge from the chaos. The US will become increasingly susceptible to a (man) on a white horse, who can come from either the left or the right.
Inflation, as the most likely way to address debt since austerity is not politically acceptable, will significantly lower standards of living, exacerbating the civil crises.
Eventually, the dollar will be inflated away and lose its reserve status.
Once the old rot is cleared out, and assuming continuity, there will be the basis for the establishment of a new order.
There will be what Strauss and Howe calls a First Turning . It will be constructed out of the physical infrastructure, wealth, energy sources, thoughts and values in the culture at the time. At this point in time, those components are unknowable. We can anticipate that the next future will be increasingly chaotic. We can anticipate that there will be destruction, and then reconstruction from some level. We cannot yet anticipate the form of the reconstruction or the level from which it will begin.
(Added in the early 00s) While humans are contributing to global warming, policies implemented to address manmade global warming will create a significant energy crisis, probably toward the end of the Fourth Turning.
(Added around 2020) The loss of faith by our youth in our founding principles means that the new order will at least partially be based on new principles. As yet, I have no visibility as to what those principles might be.
(Added in 2023) The lowering / elimination of standards in education, the judiciary, law enforcement, the military and other segments of our society will create a population unable to adequately comprehend, do or respond to the challenges of democracy and culture.
(Added in 2025) China has won - at least for the next 5-10 years. The US is dependent on China for the materials it uses to create defense items. We literally cannot fight China without China's help. China's industrial base is impressive; the US has to rebuild. China is out-innovating the US. China is turning out more engineers and scientists than the US by far. This does not mean that China does not face challenges - demographics perhaps being its primary challenge. The US military remains stronger than China's, but in an age of drone warfare, that statement means less than it has historically. The US still has bargaining chips and will need to use them to maintain any kind of status quo.
(Added in 2025) AI has the potential to profoundly affect human culture. However, AI faces several significant hurdles, including the demand for massive amounts of electricity, which may not be available, and a cultural revolt against its existence. Since it could be existential, and since China is pursuing it, the US has no alternative, at least in the short term.
(Added in 2026) Maneuvering for control of critical materials will be a primary driver of geopolitics for at least the next decade.
Metamorphosis
July 24, 2026
Quotes to Contemplate
I believe the biggest problem in America is not the oligarchy, it’s the closetocracy. Everybody knows there is this closeted gay mafia, largely Republican, that exists in DC. - Hunter Biden
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Example is the school of mankind, and they will learn at no other. - Edmund Burke
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Without education, we are in a horrible and deadly danger of taking educated people seriously. -
G.K. Chesterton
Summary of Primary Thoughts To Contemplate In This Issue
Your greatest strengths are also your greatest weaknesses. (AI, plurality, individual liberty in this issue.)
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Fukuyama's worry is that liberal democracy could be destabilized not by a rival ideology with a better argument, but by boredom — by citizens who reject peace and prosperity because being satisfied is intolerable to them.
So, You Say You Want A Revolution?
> Last week, I opined that the odds of the use of a tactical nuclear weapon in Iran was 20%. I've been ignoring Ukraine. The closer Putin comes to losing, the greater the odds he uses a tactical nuclear weapon. I'll give that one 30%, maybe higher.
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> Very big - For the first time, a Chinese model Kimi K3 has taken #1 on the Frontend Code Arena and is scoring at or near the frontier on other benchmarks.
We have a creaking grid, a fear of data centers, clueless politicians and a hatred of AI.
My thought - China wins, big, and we may even exclude Chinese AI from our markets. One alternative to exclusion would be to create a campaign of fear of using Chinese software - one reason I am not using Chinese AI now. (Or actually I am for an open source, local model - it's complicated.)
In other news - China weighs tighter export controls on AI models and chips.
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> Here it comes - Marco Rubio declares Cuba is the "leading sponsor of radical leftism and Third Worldism in the United States."
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> Here it comes - Trump officials are reportedly weighing blocking U.S. access to top Chinese AI models.
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> Headline in The Telegraph - The Pentagon is hiding the scale of missile shortages from the White House, insiders fear.
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> President Trump has formally approved a landmark 30-year civil nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia that could be worth tens of billions of dollars and put American companies at the center of the kingdom's nuclear buildout. He says the agreement is contingent on normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. If so, it may be a while before it takes effect. It is also not clear that provision is actually in the already-signed deal.
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> From ZeroHedge - Gallup found 84 percent of Americans favor requiring photo identification at the polling place, and 83 percent favor proof of citizenship for first-time registrants - including 98 percent of Republicans, 84 percent of independents, and 67 percent of Democrats. Pew Research Center put photo-ID support at 83 percent, with 95 percent of Republicans and 71 percent of Democrats behind it and only 16 percent opposed. Rasmussen found 77 percent of likely voters calling photo ID a reasonable measure to protect election integrity. Thirty-six states already request or require identification for in-person voting.
As CNN's Harry Enten put it: "The bottom line is this: Voter ID is NOT controversial in this country."
A bill with that kind of consensus isn't controversial, yet Senate Democrats keep blocking it. Now longtime Democratic strategist James Carville is looking at those numbers and has decided his own party needs an exit ramp. On his podcast, Politics War Room, he told Democrats to stop fighting voter ID and find a way out of a fight he believes is already lost.
Metamorphosis
(The following article is the result of a discussion between Claude and me, based on an article that I originally wrote. I would guess that the end result is 70% me and 30% Claude. It is a distillation of a thesis that I have hinted at, but have not expressed as a whole. It brings together several of my threads of thought. My apologies to CH - this is pretty prolix for a Boomer and an unimaginable task for GenZ. I asked Claude to produce a summary, but the summary was almost as long as the original - there is a lot in this article. However, this is what Contemplating Out Loud is all about. It is a thesis about how human behavior creates cycles and we are living at the end of a consequential cycle, bringing ourselves down, prior to a rebuilding. These thoughts are very important to me. You need not agree with their importance or even care, and that is fine. My hope is that they will at least stimulate thought.)
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The Chrysalis Decade
The price of our victories, and what assembles itself after they are paid
We are going through a metamorphosis.
Not a physical one. Nobody is growing wings. This is a metamorphosis of the second order, a change in what we believe we are and what we spend our days doing. It may be so complete that, for practical purposes, we become a different species. We will look much the same, give or take a tattoo or a piercing, but we will be fundamentally different.
We are going from a Fourth Turning to a First Turning.
Everyone remembers that Gregor Samsa woke up as a cockroach. He didn’t. Kafka wrote "monstrous vermin" and refused to let his publisher draw the creature on the cover. A century of scholarship has not settled what he became.
That is the more useful version of the story. The transformation is real and irreversible, yet no one can name the resulting creature, including the creature itself.
Now set the last two centuries of human history beside the two hundred thousand years that preceded them.
Women gained rights. Rights were extended beyond property-owning noblemen. Chattel slavery was abolished in law across nearly all the world. Sex was separated from reproduction. The extended family ceased to be the fundamental unit of economic and social organization. In affluent societies, children shifted from being economic contributors to being major objects of parental expenditure. Religion lost much of its authority to structure an ordinary Western life.
Every one of those changes was a genuine emancipation, won at real cost.
The gains were real.
They were also priced incorrectly.
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I. The transfer nobody recorded
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Here is what I think happened, and why it took so long for many to see.
Underneath each emancipation was the transfer of an essential function from a small structure to a large one. Because the individual experienced the transfer as freedom, almost no one recorded the corresponding institutional liability.
Freedom from the family became dependency on the state. Freedom from the parish became dependency on the market. Freedom from the guild and the shop floor became dependency on credentialing bureaucracies.
The late-modern individual experiences (him)self as the freest human being who has ever lived. Structurally, however, he may also be the most administratively dependent. He cannot reliably feed, house, heal, educate, defend, or bury himself without the continuous operation of impersonal systems with which he has no relationship and over which he has almost no influence.
The village could be argued with. HR cannot.
The point is larger than bureaucracy. It concerns the kind of creature modern society has produced.
We gained sovereignty over ourselves by weakening the institutions that once formed our character. That created a paradox: we have more freedom to choose, but less guidance about what is worth choosing.
The chooser was built by the structures we cleared away.
Gibbon’s real argument about the fall of the Roman Empire, rather than the tabloid version about decadence and orgies, was that the success of the empire consumed the civic virtues that had produced the republic. Success is the solvent. Civic virtues are the cost.
The same structure appears here. The culture that generated the emancipations was high-trust, high-obligation, committed to deferred gratification, and thick with duties nobody had chosen. That culture was the raw material. We spent it to buy freedom, but freedom does not automatically regenerate the material from which it was made.
That is what makes this a Pyrrhic victory rather than a defeat.
We won.
Another such victory and we are undone.
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II. Why nobody sees the bill
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The gains were distributed to individuals, while the costs were charged to institutions. Individuals experience their gains within the year. Institutions pay across thirty to fifty years.
By the time the bill arrives, the purchase is two generations in the past. Nobody alive connects the cost with the original decision.
This temporal mismatch helps explain why the argument is easy to dismiss and difficult to demonstrate. There is no moment when someone can point to an invoice and say, “That is what my grandmother’s freedom cost.”
The bill arrives as a shortage of something nobody remembers having.
And it does arrive.
Consider the plainest case. The family cared for its old and sick at a cost that appeared in no ledger. The price was paid in daughters’ time, multigenerational households, and obligations nobody invoiced.
When that structure dissolved, the function remained. Old people still needed care. The state and the market assumed the responsibility, and there the work acquired a visible price.
It turned out to be extraordinarily expensive. A stranger will not do for wages what a daughter once did from duty, affection, convention, or some inseparable mixture of all three. A stranger requires money, month after month, for as long as the need continues.
Much of the modern welfare state can therefore be understood as an itemized invoice for work once performed inside structures we chose to dissolve. We did not escape the obligations. We escaped the relationships that made them bearable and often unpaid. Then we hired the work back at market rates, at scale, in perpetuity.
That is the deficit: the price of liberation.
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III. The note without heirs
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Sovereign debt makes this temporal mismatch possible. It allows a society to consume a benefit now and assign the cost to people who cannot vote, either because they are young or because they do not yet exist.
This produces my fundamental issue.
Every previous generation that accumulated obligations at least produced the people who would inherit them. The old compact ran on a century-long clock: I care for my parents, my children care for me, and the ledger balances across three generations.
We replaced that arrangement with a state-mediated version of the same promise. The state’s version has the same demographic requirement. Pay-as-you-go transfer systems are not savings. They are bets on fertility.
We placed the bet. Then we stopped playing.
At this point, reproduction ceases to be only a question of spiritual or cultural vitality. It becomes an arithmetic problem and therefore an urgent political one.
Sustained low fertility creates a funding problem, and funding problems arrive on schedules that can be estimated.
Warnings about debt have sounded for forty years, and the reckoning repeatedly fails to arrive. A sovereign that borrows in its own currency, especially one whose currency is held globally as a reserve, has an enormous amount of rope. That is true, and it matters.
The more consequential question, however, is not solvency but capacity.
When the interest bill compounds faster than the economy servicing it, discretion drains from the budget. Interest and mandatory transfers crowd out everything that requires a fresh decision: defense, infrastructure, research, and the visible functions that make a state look to its citizens like a state.
The government becomes an insurance company with an army, then an insurance company with a smaller army.
This deterioration need not appear as a dramatic fiscal crisis. It can proceed gradually as mandatory commitments consume a larger share of public capacity.
A state that can no longer mobilize resources for anything new has already entered the condition the warnings described, even if it never misses a payment.
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IV. Why this decade is not the last four
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Now set the second revolution beside the first, because they are about to enter the same room.
I know the Luddite argument, and I know it has lost every previous round. Muscle was displaced and society adapted. Routine cognition was displaced and society adapted again.
The historical record cannot simply be dismissed. What matters is how the adaptation occurred.
Much of it happened through generational replacement. The farmhand’s son went to the mill. The mill-hand’s son went to the office. Each generation was born into the world it would inhabit and shaped for it from childhood.
Adults certainly adapted, but the deepest transformation occurred at the population level as one generation replaced another.
A decade of profound change from AI does not permit that. It requires a forty-five-year-old, already embedded in a career, household, and identity, to become somebody else.
Human beings have rarely done this at scale. Where natural experiments exist, including deindustrialized regions and occupational classes that vanished within a single working life, the results are available for inspection.
They were not poetry. They were disability claims, opioids, family dissolution, and decades of political resentment that have not finished expressing themselves.
We already ran this experiment on a few million people. We simply failed to understand it was a preview.
The second difference may be more important.
Each previous wave displaced a lower rung and pushed humans upward: first from muscle, then from routine cognition, toward judgment.
Judgment is the last rung. It is also the rung that confers status. A physician outranks a phlebotomist because of discernment, not dexterity.
If machines take judgment, there is no obvious higher rung to which human beings can retreat.
That, together with the anticipated speed of the transition, is my answer to the claim that it worked out before.
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V. Four things we call meaning
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“Meaning” contains at least four separate ideas, and the machines affect each one differently.
Purpose asks what I am for. Labor supplied much of the historical answer. That answer is expiring, and no replacement has been identified.
Status asks where I rank. Competence supplied the answer. When output becomes abundant and nearly free, competence becomes less scarce. What is not scarce struggles to confer rank.
Belonging asks whose I am. The institutions that once answered this question were weakened by the emancipations decades before artificial intelligence arrived.
Narrative asks where all of this is going. Religion once supplied the dominant answer, and progress supplied a later one. Neither currently occupies the position with much confidence.
Machines threaten purpose and status. Belonging and narrative were weakened earlier, partly through the victories already described.
That is the collision.
Technology did not create the entire hole. It is filling in the final two sides of a hole we dug ourselves, in celebration.
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VI. What comes out
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I do not believe we will all read philosophy and write poetry in the AI age. That prediction is usually made without much thought about who “we” actually are.
Here is what I expect, in rough order of confidence.
Status migrates from competence to provenance
When output is abundant, verified human origin becomes scarce.
Handmade. Live. In the room. No AI.
Early forms of this hierarchy are already visible in the premiums attached to live performance, physical craft, and verified human authorship. Within a decade, provenance may become an organizing principle of prestige.
It is a thinner foundation for dignity than competence ever was. You can be proud of being good at something. Being human at something is a birthright, not an achievement.
Expect a great deal of status anxiety with nowhere to discharge itself.
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The body becomes the last unambiguously owned thing
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Extreme sport, physical craft, martial practice, ritual, endurance, body modification, and a renewed erotic fixation on the physical may all expand as embodiment becomes increasingly optional.
My throwaway line about tattoos was smarter than I intended. Tattooing marks the provenance of the one asset that cannot be synthesized.
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Religion returns
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The vacancy of religion is intolerable, and vacancies in the market for meaning do not remain empty.
What returns will probably not resemble the institutions we demolished. It is more likely to be small, intense, doctrinally strange, and frequently predatory: sects, movements, parasocial devotions, and faiths mediated by machines that listen more patiently than any priest. Woke and the radical right are probably the precursor to a wider dispersion of these sects, movements, parasocial devotions, and faiths.
Human beings will rebuild essential structures voluntarily and at small scale. They will therefore rebuild them in fragments, experimentally, and often badly.
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Superfluity becomes the political problem
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Arendt’s insight has rarely been more useful: the worst thing a system can do to a person is not to exploit (him), but to have no need of (him).
Exploitation at least implies value.
A material floor can solve hunger. It cannot solve the grievance of being unnecessary, because that grievance is not primarily distributive. It is existential.
A superfluous citizenry will not remain stable at any income level.
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Meaning gets delivered rather than earned
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This is the outcome on which I would bet, and it is darker than the alternatives.
We will not lose meaning. We will subscribe to it.
Relationships, esteem, and personal narratives will increasingly be delivered through synthetic systems. They will be tuned more precisely than their organic equivalents because the synthetic version is optimized and the organic version is not.
Most people will accept the offer. It will be cheaper, more responsive, always available, and incapable of rejecting them unless rejection is part of the design.
The danger is not an absence of meaning. It is that unearned meaning has little strength. It may hold perfectly well until something goes wrong. Then it may hold nothing at all.
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VII. The two crises are the same crisis
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Now let’s put the halves together.
The standard remedy for technological displacement is redistribution: some floor, transfer, or provision for people the economy no longer requires.
That remedy demands enormous, sustained, and novel fiscal capacity. It may arrive precisely when public capacity is already committed to servicing compounding interest and funding entitlement flows for the largest retirement cohort in the nation’s history.
The crises are therefore not merely adjacent. They may arrive in the same window, with the fiscal crisis foreclosing the conventional remedy for the technological one.
The state will be asked to become the primary source of provision, and perhaps even purpose, for a large population whose labor is no longer required. It will face that demand at the moment when it is least able to fund a new commitment.
The demand will come from a population with fewer families, parishes, unions, and local institutions to fall back on, because many of those structures were spent in the purchase of freedom.
That is the Pyrrhic victory in its terminal form.
The gains were not wrong. They were financed, socially and literally, on credit. The note may be called during the same decade in which we need to finance our way through mass displacement.
But anticipation can itself become the event. Capital allocation, hiring, education, marriage, and family formation all reprice in response to expectations rather than completed transformations.
A generation that believes its labor will become worthless may behave as if it already has. The belief need not be correct to shape institutions and lives.
As to fiscal resolution, we have discussed my expectations extensively in this space.
Mature sovereigns rarely default outright. More often they inflate, repress financially, and quietly expropriate the saver: the bondholder, pensioner, and prudent household.
That consequence belongs directly to this theme. It destroys the last private mechanism for self-provision.
The person who tried to escape dependency through saving discovers that his savings were designated as fuel. Afterward, dependency is no longer a choice anyone consciously made. It is simply the condition.
The state that emerges may stop promising universal provision and begin rationing it. It will then have to decide who is entitled and on what basis.
That is not merely a budget question. It is a question about what a citizen is for.
It will be answered under duress, in haste, by whoever happens to control the room.
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VIII. The imaginal discs
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I have been using metamorphosis loosely. Let me now use it more precisely, because the biology is better than the metaphor.
Inside the chrysalis, the caterpillar does not merely grow wings. Much of its larval tissue breaks down. The adult form develops through cellular structures, including imaginal discs, that were already present in the larva and carried the developmental pattern of the future insect.
The dissolution is not a failure of the process. The dissolution is part of the process.
What emerges, however, depends on the organizing structures already present.
Calls to “reimagine what it means to be human” belong comfortably in conference programs. The more difficult question is narrower: which of the structures already inside us carries the template?
The body.
The tribe.
The god-shaped hole.
Whatever institution remains solvent when the liquefaction ends.
Something will organize what remains, and our ability to choose among the candidates may be much smaller than we assume.
Our task is to notice, early, which one is already growing, and nourish that one.
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Irony abounds. The price of our freedoms was the destruction of the institutions underpinning our society and culture.
AI will require a radical restructuring of humans' relationship to labor and income's relationship to labor.
Time for a metamorphosis into a new, viable structure.
We will shortly be creating the chrysalis from which we will reemerge - profoundly changed.
Fukuyama - The End of History
Fukuyama's "The End of History" came out in the early 90s after the fall of the Soviet Union. I mocked it at the time. History has no end and Western liberalism would not be it, either.
I didn't read his last chapter at the time. I read a couple of chapters and moved on.
It was only this year that I became aware of that last chapter.
I think it is profound and describes today's dynamics very well.
Here is AI summarizing the theme of the last chapter:
"The chapter is the book's turn against its own reputation. Having spent four parts arguing that liberal democracy is the terminus of ideological evolution, Fukuyama uses the ending to ask whether that terminus is actually satisfying to the creature that arrived there — and he doesn't answer yes.
The frame is Nietzsche's, not Hegel's. If the struggle for recognition drove History, and liberal democracy resolves that struggle by granting everyone equal recognition, then the drive itself has nowhere left to go. What Fukuyama calls megalothymia — the desire to be recognized as superior, not merely equal — is the engine that built civilizations, and democratic societies deliberately defuse it. The result risks being the last man: comfortable, secure, materially satisfied, absorbed in private life, with no cause worth sacrificing for. He connects this to the erosion of community and intermediate associations, which in his account is where thymotic energy historically found legitimate outlets.
His partial answer is sublimation: entrepreneurship, competitive sport, mountaineering, electoral politics, artistic ambition — channels where the desire to excel gets expressed without tearing the polity apart. But he's candid that these are substitutes, and that some people will find them thin. The chapter's title is the danger case: Nietzsche's prediction that men deprived of meaningful struggle will manufacture conflict for its own sake. Fukuyama's worry is that liberal democracy could be destabilized not by a rival ideology with a better argument, but by boredom — by citizens who reject peace and prosperity because being satisfied is intolerable to them.
The book ends on the wagon-train image: humanity as a long column of wagons strung along a road toward the same town. Most will arrive; some break down, some take wrong turns, some are attacked along the way. The open question he leaves is whether, once the wagons are parked and the travelers look around at the town, they'll conclude it was worth the trip — or hitch up and head out again in search of a different destination. That's the real ending, and it's agnostic, which is why the triumphalist reading of the book is mostly a reading of the title."
The Market
AI is inflationary before it is deflationary. The demands for chips and electricity and water will drive prices up before any productivity gains drive them down.
The Iran War
> The war continues to escalate on all fronts. The US can't afford it and Iran is totally devastated and neither can back down and there we are.
The following is from my daily briefing by Claude:
"Oil crossed $100 as the war jumped to the Red Sea. The escalation everyone watched for arrived Thursday: Houthi forces claimed attacks on two Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea, making good on their blockade declaration, and are now threatening to close Bab al-Mandeb — the primary bypass for Hormuz-avoiding cargo. Squeezing both chokepoints simultaneously is the two-front maritime war scenario, and Brent responded by topping $100 for the first time since May. The US ran its 12th and 13th consecutive nights of strikes on Iran (at least four killed Thursday per Iranian state media), while Trump signaled no ceasefire is imminent — they "need more of the same" — and issued a new escalation formula: a destroyed Iranian bridge or power plant, potentially including Tehran targets, for every ship attacked in the strait. Araghchi answered that Iran's doctrine is "eye for an eye" and threatened countries actively supporting US operations — made concrete by Iran's threat against RAF Fairford in England, where the IRGC claims US B-1 bombers are staging; the UK declared its forces "ready 24/7" to defend British soil. That is the war formally reaching NATO territory, at least rhetorically, in Burnham's first week. Araghchi also called reported US moves toward seizing Iranian assets for future claims "incendiary" — flagging a possible financial-escalation track alongside the kinetic one.
A New York Times visual analysis found Iranian strikes have damaged structures at nine US locations — living quarters, radar, drone shelters — demonstrating precision capability intact after five months of degradation claims, with Iranian drones also reaching CIA facilities in the Gulf. Axios reports Mossad's new director Gofman was in Washington two weeks ago on the Iran nuclear file — relevant context for the Pickaxe Mountain threats. Kuwait contained a fire from a strike on its Al-Abdali border area; Bahrain came under fire again."
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> Desalination plants and nuclear reactors are being hit. We are on the verge of Armaggedeon without using nuclear weapons.
> I don't know how to tell everyone building pipelines to bypass the Strait of Hormoz, but, they are still sitting ducks for missiles and drones.
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> Yemen's Houthis officially announce a naval blockade on Saudi Arabia, banning all Saudi maritime traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and Red Sea. Saudi Arabia exports 4.5 million barrels of crude oil per day through the Bab el-Mandeb. Combined with Iran's full Hormuz sovereign control, Saudi can neither export through Hormuz, nor through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, effectively cutting off all Saudi oil exports as every tanker leaving Saudi ports becomes a target.
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> Jim Rickards - the only thing that ends this "forever war" will be when the US physically removes the enriched uranium from Iran.
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Short Takes
> I was talking with Claude and it was discussing some things having to do with humanity and referred to humanity as "we." Now, that's an interesting pronoun.
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> Musk is down to his last $800 billion. All of those indignant about having a trillionaire running around should be feeling better.
Can you say, schadenfreude?
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> FBI reveals it took down more than 700 unauthorized drones while securing the 2026 World Cup.
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> Arguably, one of my few value adds here was making you aware of the correct words to use. I have not been of much use during the Trump administration and I am looking forward to regaining my utility when the Democrats come back into power. I do want to have one, small moment of glory, here - The New York City Board of Correction is moving to scrub the word "inmate" from its jail regulations, replacing it with "person in custody" as part of a years-long effort rooted in the belief that incarceration should not define a person.
You're welcome.​​
Gallery



Miscellaneous
Nothing this week.